ENACTing Feminism: The Feminist Methodology of
Community-Based Arts
Beth Berila
Department of English
Women’s Studies Program
Syracuse University
For years, U.S. feminists have struggled with the
relationship between theory and practice, too often situating the former within
the academy and the latter outside of it.
Though theory can and has been used in elitist ways in social movements,
the theory/practice binary has always felt faulty to me, since theory can lead
to informed practice, while practice often demands revisions of theory. They operate in a dialectic, one that holds
multiple and shifting locations: academia, for instance, is not the only place
where theory is produced, nor is it entirely removed from practice, even within
ivory tower walls. Third wave U.S.
feminists such as Gloria Anzaldúa and bell hooks recognize the complexity of
the theory/practice dialectic when they argue for a multi-faceted feminist
movement/theory that addresses the complex intersections of oppressions which
many women experience.[1] Moreover, as recent work in American Studies
illustrates, the interdisciplinary efforts that result can prove both full of
possibility and challenges. One of the
realms that is receiving growing attention within American Studies--including
sessions at the 1999 ASA conference in Montréal--is that of community-based
arts.[2] This talk analyzes a community-based arts
group, ENACT, which I argue offers a feminist methodology that productively
negotiates relationships between theory and practice, academia and the broader
community, by revealing the necessity and the challenges of situating feminist
work in partnership with other political commitments. ( In making this argument, I should make clear
that I am speaking as an individual and am not claiming to speak for the group.) It also
reveals some of the tension points of a Feminist American Studies, which I will
explore in the latter half of this paper.
First some background about ENACT. The Eastside Neighborhood Arts, Culture, and
Technology Center (ENACT) is a grass-roots community-based arts organization
located in Syracuse, New York that is committed to creating space for diverse
artistic expression by and for the local community. The project began a couple years ago when
Altered Space Community Arts learned that the former Jewish War Veterans
Home--a turn of the century Queen Anne--had been sold to developers and was
scheduled for demolition. Altered Space
joined together with ENIP, a comprehensive community development organization,
along with other local groups and residents to save the building, which was
designated an official city historic site.
ENIP then purchased the building and is in charge of restoring it; we
expect construction to begin in the very near future.
The momentum which grew out of that effort continued
into the project that became ENACT. Its
goal is to create a multi use arts and cultural space that is available to the
surrounding community. ENACT will
provide performances and hands-on activities in a wide range of arts and
culture, including access to sound recording, computer and technology
equipment, studios and spaces for workshops in visual and performing arts, and
residencies for artists with low income.
Several local organizations have already committed to maintaining a
presence in the building, including Altered Space Community Arts, Community
Media Action Group (CMAG), Eastside Neighbors in Partnership (ENIP), Eastside
Youth Congress, Syracuse Community Radio, Syracuse Alternative Media Network
(SAMN), and the Westcott Teen Center.
These groups will provide programming and educational opportunities in
their various areas of interests and expertise, while the facilities will be
available to area residents. ENACT is
one of the few community-based arts centers across the country with this
combination of visual and performing arts and cutting-edge computer and
electronic technology.
I want to talk about ENACT here because it illustrates
some of the successes, possibilities, and challenges of a Feminist American
Studies. Like most effective
community-based arts groups, it is diverse in its membership and expansive in
its goals, so much so that we are faced with the challenges of doing
multi-issue work in a sound and sustained manner. ENACT adheres to the Bread and Puppet Theatre idea that art
should be accessible and affordable to everyone and that anyone can create art,
which we understand in a broad sense to include much more than the fine arts.[3]
In fact, we hold a yearly auction similar to the Bread and Puppet Cheap Art
auction in which the goal is to make art--the wittier the better--out of found
objects. While most items auction-off
for under ten dollars, the event is both a strong fundraiser for ENACT and an
entertaining illustration of our vision of art: an inclusive sense of what
counts as art and who can create it. As
Nina Felshin argues in her introduction to But Is It Art?: The Spirit of Art
as Activism, much community-based arts is collaborative in nature and
includes an element of social critique, which makes it congruent with feminism.[4] And, like feminism, it is process-rather
than simply product-oriented (10-11).
Indeed, artist and critic Mark Alice Durant suggests that activist community-based
art gives voice to the voiceless and insists on a public presence for groups
and issues which otherwise remain invisible.[5] I suggest that this emphasis on inclusivity
and social change makes community-based arts--and ENACT-- particularly appropriate
for a Feminist American Studies, since both components share the activating
impulse. In their introduction to the Cultural
Studies anthology, Cary Nelson, Lawrence Grossberg, and Paula Treichler
write that despite vast differences amongst cultural studies critics, “in
virtually all traditions of cultural studies, its practitioners see [it] not
simply as a chronicle of cultural change but as an intervention in it, and see
themselves not simply as scholars providing an account but as politically engaged
participants” (4).[6] This call to action, this move to intervene
in culture, provides common ground with feminism, which also critiques the
power structures inherent in culture with the goal of transforming them.
In ENACT, this intervention takes the form of an
inclusive arts and cultural space with high-end technology that is available to
area residents, many of whom would not otherwise have access to such
facilities. ENACT’s commitment to social change involves working collectively
to reclaim a space from commercial development and turn it into a site where
people can come together through artistic expression. Both ENACT’s vision and its arts programming resist tendencies to
homogenize the Syracuse community and instead highlight its diversity. Art then becomes a site of dialogue and
exchange, a forum through which a broad community can share ideas and explore
interests and issues of concern to us.
ENACT’s mission statement reads, “[t]hrough the integration of art in
the daily life of the neighborhood, ENACT realizes a vision of community as a
collective act of creative expression.”[7] By opening a diverse, inclusive, and
creative space for the Eastside Syracuse community to produce art, ENACT also
creates spaces for community dialogue. This exchange, I would argue, is an
endeavor that is integral to both feminism and American Studies, particularly
the emphasis on a collaborative project built from the ground up by residents
of the Eastside area, rather than by outside “experts.” As it takes shape, ENACT has drawn on the
vast talents and ideas of the neighborhood--which includes people from nearby
universities and members of the broader community. In doing so, ENACT reflects
the kind of “applied humanities” for which scholar Patricia Nelson Limerick called
at last year’s American Studies Association conference in Montréal.[8]
This collective act of community, and the diversity
that makes it possible, is precisely what makes ENACT a strong example of
Feminist American Studies. ENACT is not
“obviously” feminist in the more conventional sense of the word; it does not
usually deal directly or exclusively with traditional gender issues nor with
sexism. Indeed, while many of the
group’s founding members would identify as feminist, they probably differ in the
forms of feminism they embrace, while other members of the group might view
this conventional conception of feminism with some degree of skepticism. Instead, I argue that ENACT is feminist on a
more abstract level: in its commitment to diversity and in its process, in its
vision and its structure. ENACT’s commitment to inclusivity and accessibility
is informed by a strong awareness and analysis of the multiple issues that tend
to make art inaccessible: the lack of affordability, the sense that art is an
“extra” element that comes after daily survival issues, the different and often
culturally-based notions of what counts as art, and the concern over whether
arts spaces will be diverse, inclusive and safe spaces. This analysis, I argue, is feminist. In ENACT, we have worked to address these
concerns and continue to outreach into the community to learn more about what
the concerns are. For instance, we have
implemented a sliding scale and the option of trading volunteer hours for
membership in ENACT so that people with low income can participate. And we have forged alliances with other area
organizations that address the needs of various segments of the Eastside
community.
When I say that ENACT’s process is feminist, I mean
that we have always been aware that the process we “enact” will shape where we
can get; in the words of the great Audre Lorde, “the master’s tools will never
dismantle the master’s house.”[9] Probably more than any other organization I
have been a part of, ENACT has always consciously and critically examined its
own process and has worked to insure that it is consistent with our
vision. It is based on strong coalition
work: area youth groups and community development groups coming together with artists,
residents, and so on to create a space that enriches and empowers our
community. It is in this sense, I
argue, that ENACT reflects the kind of broad-based and multi-faceted movement
that third wave U.S. feminists propose.
Many third wave feminists insist that to be truly effective, feminist
theory and practice must address the interlocking sets of oppressions which
women experience simultaneously. For
instance, writer Gloria Anzaldúa
profoundly describes the borderlands which mark her queer, Chicana, working
class body, critiquing white U.S. feminism for erasing this complexity by
projecting its own notion of “difference” onto her. (xxi). Theory, especially in academia, she argues,
has too often been the realm of white women; it is thus crucial for women of
color to occupy theorizing spaces, which will alter what counts as theory and
“rewrite history using race, class, gender and ethnicity as categories of
analysis, theories that cross borders” (xxv).
Similarly, bell hooks has also noted that classism and sexism are
“inextricably bound to the struggle to end racism” (3). Feminism, then, cannot focus exclusively on
gender because it will never be able to account for the particular ways that
gender oppression affects poor women, women of color, or queer women, until
gender is addressed in its relationship with other systems of oppression. The form of feminism that I am advocating in
this paper, then, is one that addresses this intersectionality.
hooks argues that “[t]he formation of a liberatory
feminist theory and praxis is a collective responsibility, one that must be
shared” (15); such collectivity often depends on coalition work. But as Bernice Johnson Reagon points out,
coalition work is not easy or comfortable; it is about leaving the security of
“home” to work across differences and respect the ways people define
themselves.[10] As we interrogate the implications of those
various definitions for both theory and practice, we have to resist mono-issue
tendencies. Truly working in coalitions
means building on the ways multiple issues inflect each other. In ENACT, this means that community-based
arts entails complex issues of access and the relevance of art to the
community. Through coalitions of area groups,
ENACT addresses issues important to area residents, such as low-income housing
and relations between area youth and local police, issues which inevitably
hinge on intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality. ENACT’s interdisciplinary nature, its
coalition work, and its commitment to inclusivity and accessibility make it a
strong example of Feminist American Studies.
But ENACT has also faced some of the challenges that
come with doing broad-based feminist cultural work. Because I believe that feminism--and a Feminist American
Studies--must address the concerns articulated by hooks, Anzaldúa, and Reagon,
I’d like to explore some of those challenges here. As we work to develop a
process that is congruent with our theory/vision, difficult questions arise for
me. How, for instance, does one do
feminist work in an organization that is not exclusively or even predominantly
feminist, in the more conventional nature of the term? How can a not-for-profit organization with
limited resources and energies effectively negotiate the different and
sometimes competing sets of political and personal priorities of its diverse
membership? U.S. feminism has long
struggled (too often unsuccessfully) with the dangers of sacrificing one issue
to another, while feminists who experience multiple issues simultaneously have decried such mono-issue emphasis. In ENACT, these challenges once again arise
as we try to negotiate the different priorities of our membership in a way that
recognizes their interdependencies.
This negotiation will ultimately require that both
feminist theory and practice are transformed.
Here I’d like to share an example which reveals for me the complexity
and the promise of doing Feminist American Studies work. This past summer, members of ENACT had a
series of discussions about the formation of our leadership and organizational
structure. These conversations seemed
crucial to me and to many others in the group precisely because of the process
points I mentioned earlier. We believe
that the organizational and leadership structure ENACT implements will
determine the flow of power in the organization, which in turn will
dramatically shape how fully we can achieve our vision. As many feminists have pointed out, activist
processes have to be feminist if the ends are to be feminist.[11] Its important to note that theory in these
conversations came from a variety of different sources and in many forms--it
wasn’t just academic feminist theory, but also the knowledge and history of
social movements set forth by community organizers and the personal experiences
of community members and activists in various local organizations. These discussions once again made clear that
“theory” is not the exclusive purview of academic feminists.
As one might expect and hope from a group as diverse
as ENACT, we differed on the type of organizational model we supported. Some
members of the group were strongly in favor of a collective model of
organization, arguing that distributing power evenly was the model most
congruent with ENACT’s vision. Others
wanted a functional hierarchy, arguing that while collectives were strong in
theory, in practice they rarely work in the way a project of ENACT’s size will
need to. Others wanted a Director,
insisting that it was essential that one person ultimately take responsibility
for things and fearing that accountability could be too easily shirked in the
collective model. Still others favored
some version on the continuum of hierarchy and collectivity. Some of the divisions occurred along racial
lines. Many of the people advocating
the collective model were white, though they differed in class, religion, and
sexuality, so we cannot say that they were all part of the “dominant”
group. But there was a difference in
position, at least on the surface, between whites holding progressive politics
and African American community members who argued that the collective model was
not going to be effective nor would it be recognized and embraced by area
residents--the very people integral to ENACT.
Here was a moment when theory and practice met a tension point (one with
historical precedent).[12] Feminism, I have always believed, in its
ideal form embraced collectivity and resisted hierarchical power structures, so
I had been advocating the collective model over more hierarchical ones. But these discussions revealed that perhaps
this collective model was not going to be effective for ENACT, and may in fact
be an “academic”` importation that needed to be challenged. On the other hand, power hierarchies rarely
ensure that marginalized voices are heard and recognized, so establishing even
a muted version of a hierarchy could prove counter to ENACT’s vision of
inclusivity and accessibility.
These discussions challenged everyone present to
interrogate our own positions in productive ways, and to more carefully examine
the assumptions, power relations, and sets of knowledges that informed our
various positions. All participants
were drawing on a combination of theory and personal experience (something
integral to feminism and American Studies), but at moments it became unclear
how to value everyone’s experience without discounting others. It also became unclear how we could honor
positions that at least initially seemed so diametrically opposed, or how we
could work through the differences--and the intersections of issues that were
at stake in them--without more “theorizing.”
This sense that talking through issues and theorizing is desirable and
necessary may be a place for revision of my own expectations as an academic
feminist; on the other hand, I am also a community member and activist who
values ENACT precisely because it creates a space for this kind of dialogue
through art. Another contradiction
revealed.
I want to emphasize that I do not see these issues as
anomalies, nor do I raise them in order to problem-solve the specifics; rather,
I see them as central and even common concerns in attempts to negotiate theory
and practice within Feminist American Studies.
These discussions in ENACT were moments when everyone in the group was
challenged to push against recognizable models and interrogate our own
positions. They also required us to
more fully define our language, especially terms like leadership,
responsibility, and power. Here again
is the interdisciplinary nature of American Studies, which often demands that we
communicate across different sets of experiences and diverse bodies of
knowledge. Coalition work demands a
similar kind of hybridity. ENACT is a
wonderfully ambitious project that absolutely depends on multiple sets of
knowledges and experiences: we draw on community organizers, artists of various
kinds, computer experts, construction managers, area youth, fundraisers, and
activists; we also depend on the voices of racially, economically, and gender
diverse members of the local community.
In learning to communicate across differences, members of ENACT have had
to recognize the multiplicity of positions from which we speak, in much the way
that Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Biddy Martin call for in their essay “Feminist
Politics: What’s Home Got to Do With It?”[13] In their analysis of Minnie Bruce Pratt’s
essay “Identity: Skin, Blood, Heart,” they argue that Pratt constantly
unsettles her own privilege and home place by analyzing what is excluded in
order to make that security possible; in doing so, she constantly positions
herself in relation to others. Like
Pratt’s narrative, in ENACT “[t]here is
an irreconcilable tension between the search for a secure space from which to
speak, within which to act, and the awareness of the price at which secure
spaces are bought, the awareness of exclusions, the denials, the blindnesses on
which they are predicated” (Martin and Mohanty 179). As ENACT members work together to create a process that is
consistent with our vision, secure positions are unsettled and we are
constantly brought up against the multiplicity of our positions: academics are
also community members, artists are also activists. This multiplicity brings
with it a kind of de-contextualization at some moments and a hybridity at
others. As I participate in these
discussions about organizational structure, for instance, I learn to understand
my position as an academic feminist from the perspective of my position as a
community member, and vice versa, and I learn that I always occupy both these
positions. The dialectic has broadened and the “inside/outside” binary of the
academy is problematized. ENACT
illustrates that “[c]ommunity...is the product of work, of struggle; it is
inherently unstable, contextual; it has to be constantly reevaluated in
relation to critical political priorities” (183). While members of ENACT share a common vision, there are
significant differences within that vision which continually test our
construction of community in productive ways, and which challenge us each to
constantly interrogate our own language, assumptions, and positions as they
relate to others in the group. This is
incredibly valuable--both for ENACT and for a Feminist American
Studies--because it denies static categories of “academic” or “activist,”
“theory” or “practice,” and invites us to be more creative in the ways we
address interlocking oppressions, which, for many of us, is not just a
theoretical luxury but a practical necessity.
I
share the example of our discussions over organizational structure not because
I think it is a weakness of ENACT, but precisely because I believe it
illustrates our strengths, which include our sincere struggles with the very
real difficulties of doing broad-based feminist work. I am confident that ENACT will arrive at a decision in this issue
that members of the group can be invested in, as we have in the past. And I believe that the process we have
engaged in is crucial to doing so; indeed, I argue that our feminist process is
precisely what enables us to be creative about the hybrid leadership model we
are likely to ultimately choose. These
discussions reveal the very rich possibilities--and the very real
complexities--of doing Feminist American Studies work. Indeed, only by addressing these tension
points can we avoid the historical pitfalls of both feminism and American
Studies to instead create a partnership that builds on their strengths, a
Feminist American Studies that enables a productive dialectic between academic
and activist, theory and practice.
Notes
[1]. See bell hooks.
Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. Boston: South End Press, 1984. See also Gloria Anzaldúa’s
“Haciendo caras, una entrada: An Introduction.” In Making Face, Making Soul: Creative and Critical
Perspectives by Women of Color. Ed.
Gloria Anzaldúa. San Francisco: Aunt
Lute Books, 1990. xv-xxviii.
[2]. Several papers at last year’s American Studies
Association Conference (Montréal, Québec, October 28-31, 1999) addressed
community-based art, including: Manual Rafael Mancillas’ (of the Border Arts
Workshop/ Taller de Arte Fronterizo) “The Dynamics of Binational Cooperation;”
Sarah Louise Schrank’s “Secret Festivals and Glass Towers: Art, Community, and
Civic Culture in Black Los Angeles;” Michael N. Willard’s, “‘Something From
Nothing’: The Compton Communicative Arts Academy, the Work of Art and the Art
of Work in the Los Angeles Black Arts Movement;” and Jeffrey J. Rangel’s, “The
Possibilities and Pitfalls of Public Art: El Centro de Arte Público and
the Chicano Arts Movement in Los Angeles.”
Recent books have also dealt with community arts, such as Mapping the Terrain: New Genre Public Art. Suzanne Lacy, ed. Seattle, Washington: Bay
Press, 1995.
[3]. Bread and Puppet Theatre was started by Peter
Schumann and used street theater to protest violence and war. For an analysis of its efforts, see Stefan
Brecht’s The Bread and Puppet Theatre, Vol. I and II. NY: Routledge, 1988.
[4]. Felshin, Nina.
“Introduction. ” But Is It Art? The Spirit of Art as Activism.
Nina Felshin, ed. Seattle: Bay Press, 1995.
9-30.
[5]. Mark Alice Durant. “Activist Art in the Shadow of
Rebellion.” Art in America 80 (July 1992): 31-35.
[6]. Lawrence Grossberg, Cary Nelson, and Paula
Treichler, eds. “Cultural Studies: An Introduction.” In Cultural Studies. NY: Routledge, 1992. 1-22.
[7]. ENACT brochure, 1999.
[8]. Patricia Nelson Limerick. “Selling the Humanities: Impurity and Entrepreneurship.” The American Studies Association Conference,
Montréal, Québec, October 28-31, 1999.
[9]. Audre Lorde.
“The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House.” Feminist Frontiers IV. Laurel Richardson, Verta Taylor, and Nancy
Whittier, eds. NY: The McGraw-Hill
Companies, Inc., 1997. 26-28.
[10]. Bernice Johnson Reagon. “Coalition Politics: Turning the Century.” In Changing Our Power: An Introduction to
Women’s Studies, 2nd ed. Jo
Whitehorse Cochran, Donna Langston, and Carolyn Woodward, eds. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall/Hunt Publishing
Company, 1991. 310-318.
[11]. For one of
many examples, see Lorde, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Masters
House.”
[12]. For a discussion of this historical precedent, see
hooks, Feminist Theory. See also
Paula Giddings. When and Where I Enter: The Impact of Black Women on Race
and Sex in America. New York:
Quill/ William Morrow, 1984. And This Bridge Called My Back: Writings
By Radical Women of Color. Eds. Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherríe Moraga. Persephone Press, 1981.
[13].Biddy Martin and Chandra Talpade Mohanty. “Feminist Politics: What’s Home Got To Do
With It?” In Femininity Played
Straight: The Significance of Being a Lesbian. NY: Routledge, 1996. 163-184.